Interpretations of ‘respect’ in prison have tended to be narrow, focusing on courteous and considerate staff–prisoner relationships. In a recent study, we found that respect was defined by prisoners not just in terms of interpersonal relationships but also ‘getting things done’ (what might be called ‘organizational respect’). We expected prisoners in the study, which compared quality of life in public and private sector prisons, to rate private prisons well in terms of respect, due to previous research findings and the history and self-declared values of the companies who run them. The findings from the study revealed a more complex picture. There was mixed support for previous claims that the private sector offers a more courteous prison environment than the public sector, and, among the matched prisons in our study, the public sector establishments were better than the private sector prisons at ‘getting things done’: a distinct component of respect in prison, according to prisoners. These differences influenced prisoners’ evaluations of the ‘respectfulness’ of their treatment in each sector.
This article reports on a study which comprised secondary analysis of 112 semi-structured interviews with 50 young people who had desisted from offending and 62 who had never offended. The findings highlight the need to conceptualize desistance as a two stage process. Desistance tales, which featured in the interviews, describe the events leading up to the point at which offenders ceased to offend. However, desistance also involves staying straight and the challenges of this second phase are illuminated. Desisters and non-offenders experienced a lack of kudos, reported being bullied and were tempted to offend, although for desisters this was more pervasive and covered a wider range of offences. The point of divergence was in respect of the pleasures associated with offending, which many desisters observed were now missing from their lives. It is clear that both desisters and non-offenders have something to lose by not offending and that maintaining their non-offending status constitutes a struggle not previously reflected in adult representations of youth. That non-offending is achieved at a price is evidenced by the trials and tribulations they encounter. Finally, the advantages and limitations of secondary analysis of qualitative data are considered and the method is recommended for criminological researchers.
This article presents the results of a research project exploring the impact on the public of National Tackling Drugs Week, a UK government communications initiative intended to inform about, and build public confidence in, the national drugs strategy. The research shows that the initiative had a limited reach and that its impact was variable: while it could raise confidence, it could also raise concerns about crime, and while it could inform, it could also elicit suspicions of ‘spin’. Acknowledging that the policy aim of building public confidence is now an international one, the discussion counsels against simplistic corporate communications-based solutions to the public confidence problem, suggesting instead that the impact of communication is dependent on other contextual contingencies, and that when communications are employed for confidence-building ends, their prospects would be enhanced if they were two-way rather than one-way, and part of a wider strategy of deliberative democracy.
The present study examines co-offending groups that commit violent firearms offences within the UK, in order to develop an understanding of these groups in terms of their level of professionalism. A sample of 69 cases was selected from two British law databases, consisting of offences that involved the utilization of a firearm in a violent crime committed by more than one offender. Cases were content analysed for offending behaviour. The presence of a three-way thematic model of criminal professionalism, previously identified in robbery, was tested using multi-dimensional scaling. Three themes of offences were identified as Targeted, Gratuitous and Reactive, which differed in the level of professionalism displayed. Gratuitous was the most common theme for the sample, demonstrating some evidence of planning but also gratuitous violence towards victims. In conclusion, while violent gun crime is typically a phenomenon involving young males, not all groups display the same behaviour or levels of professionalism, as is evident in the existence of all three themes. These differences are important for understanding the psychology of the offences and designing operational responses.
This article draws on ethnographic fieldwork, the aim of which was to explore the functionality of cocaine (used in conjunction with alcohol and on its own) in the subcultural milieu of the English football firm. The study was originally concerned with the use of violence associated with cocaine use among football fans on match days but, like much ethnography, the research evolved beyond its original remit to include the extension of football firm violence within the night time economy (NTE). The study is unique in giving a voice to this group of individuals and permitting them to be active interpreters of their own world. It included 20 interviews with members of football firms who habitually took part in violent exchanges and found that concurrent use of cocaine and alcohol fulfilled three main functions: the facilitation of extreme violence; the acquisition of ‘time out’; and the construction of a (hyper-)masculine identity. These functions were not confined to the subcultural context of the football firm, but had also become an integral component of their mainstream leisure pursuits within the NTE. The findings from this explorative study also contribute answers to the under researched question of whether those ‘who are violent in the NTE are also violent in other contexts’ (Finney, 2004: 5).
The Appeals Chamber of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) recently issued its first major decision, setting out its interpretation of the elements of crimes under the STL’s Statute, the definition of the crime of terrorism under customary international law, the application of the modes of individual liability and the permissibility of cumulative charging. The authors argue that the Appeals Chamber’s decision is procedurally flawed because it was made possible only by an amendment to the Rules of Procedure and Evidence that is arguably ultra vires the Statute. They suggest that the expansion of the Appeals Chamber’s powers jeopardizes the authority of the decision and sets a dangerous precedent that may ultimately be detrimental to the functioning of the Court. In relation to the crime of terrorism, the authors note that the Appeals Chamber’s expansive approach to the interpretation of terrorism under Lebanese law provides the basis for a serious nullum crimen sine lege challenge, particularly given the clear legislative intent to apply the Lebanese form of the crime of terrorism. Similarly, the Appeals Chamber’s definition of terrorism under customary international law is problematic in being both overinclusive and underinclusive. While the Appeals Chamber managed to avoid an overly formalistic and paralyzing approach to the formation of customary international law, its ultimate statement of the law lends itself to expansive interpretation and misuse by authorities seeking to repress opposition dissent. Other notable aspects of the decision, including the approach taken to modes of liability and cumulative charging are commented on in order to highlight the choices made by the Appeals Chamber and the issues that are likely to be revisited as proceedings before the Tribunal eventuate.
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